Takouba with five fullers

[Sajen]

Originally Posted by Marc M.

Hi Detlef
thanks for your response, the reason I show an object is to get the widest possible variety of these objects on this forum and with diverse response from members.
My expertise regarding takouba's is not that great, when I come across a specimen the forum is a great source of information.
To me this takouba is Touareg and the age is difficult to determine, probably 2nd half of 20th century.
Best regards
Marc

Hi Marc,

So I tried to help to get your thread running!

Regards,
Detlef

[Marc M.]

Originally Posted by Sajen

Hi Marc,

So I tried to help to get your thread running!

Regards,
Detlef

Top.

Regards
Marc

[Jim McDougall]

This is a most interesting aspect of the takouba, and the discussion thread opened by Peter, which is great as the interest here on the topic had gone pretty dormant.

I agree with Ed's note toward likely significance of the blade having five fullers being associated with symbolic meaning, probably talismanic or apotropaic. This sword with fully rebated point seems likely to be for a tribal leader, and the presence of only one dukari moon seems curious, again since atypical possibly having certain arcane meaning. The meaning of the two moons I dont think has ever been fully understood, despite its consistency in convention.

It seems that in Rodd (1928) he mentions two types of blades, one with three fullers, the other with five. One of the key factors regarding blades to native warriors is magic, and these kinds of features, including the 'dukari' (opposed crescent moons) all have some element of such imbuing.
The blades Rodd describes are native made, termed 'masri' and seem likely to have been Hausa made.

The association with the numeric FIVE having certain religious significance as related to Persian poems and symbology well known on kaskara, and of course in Sudanese context of course has to do with the Persian and Sufi influences there.

There were far more connections between the Tuareg in Saharan regions and Sudan than many realize. In Briggs (1965) the markings he notes which occur on the blades of important chiefs in Air during the Kaocen revolt (1916-17) also became well known on Sudanese kaskara. Briggs also shows a kaskara, well covered in thuluth and obviously Sudanese as Hausa due to the dukari moons.

I have understood that in Air regions of Niger, Tuaregs followed the Maliki Sect of Sunni Islam, as well as Sufi which coexisted in the nominal adherence to both. The profound influence of Sufi and Persian weaponry in Mahdist Sudan was described in a paper by Pradines and Mostagh in 2018. Those influences traveled westward with trade caravans to many points in the Sahara, with Air significant among them.

[Marc M.]

Hi Jim
I have translated some pages about the Touareg from dutch. An exhibition, Touareg, in 1994 at the Museum of Central Africa , Tervuren, Belgium.

Regards
MarcSocio-political stratification
The traditional Tuareg community was highly hierarchical. Socially
it was divided into different positions or classes (aserkam). Typically,
four socio-political classes were found in the various confederations. At
the top was the group of aristocratic leaders and warriors; at the other
end of the social ladder were the slaves. This was expressed, among other
things, in various degrees of servitude. The distinction was originally based
on descent.
1. The nobles, imuhar [imochar, imajeghen] were livestock breeders and were
mainly engaged in war and raiding activities; also with caravan activities
and trade. They were the holders of political rights and land ownership.
In the spirit of Tuareg tradition, armed plunder and raiding was a venerable
and noble institution. 'The Imouhar are primarily warriors. They owe
their high social status to their sword and have no other occupations other
than war and raids. Their role as feudal lord makes them parasites of
the vassals. In the past they were a plague for the caravans that crossed their
land. They have never had any means of subsistence other than plunder.
A man of good descent, and who wanted to remain so, had to cross
the desert on his camel, plunder and risk his life on distant journeys.' This
representation of Lhote was commonplace a few decades ago. It was a rather
simplistic Western view. The cultural context was more complicated; war
and raids were, at least among the nobles, usually directly related to
honor, one's own or that of the group. It was an inherent part of the political
system, of their social structure and of their value system.
Any form of manual labor was abhorred and passed on to their vassals and
slaves. 'The contempt for manual labor is a prejudice of the Imouhar
class and not a result of laziness, for although they would under no circumstances
cultivate the land, they do not hesitate to travel thousands of kilometers in
often very difficult and dangerous conditions, to cultivate the herds of to
plunder enemy tribes. When they returned to the camp, they wanted to live
a life free of material concerns, which they left to their vassals.'" They were
morally obliged to provide protection and defense to their vassals and to
their other dependents.
2. A second estate was formed by the imrad [limghad singular: amrid], the vassals,
the tributaries or the non-nobles; they were usually involved in livestock
farming. However, they were involved by the Imuhar in their raids and raids; as a
price for their assistance they received part of the booty. Moreover, they were the
shepherds of the Imuhar who gave their livestock (especially the camels) to them
entrusted. In practice, the Imuhar only kept a few mounts that they actually
needed for their milk, their war expeditions and for the transport of their
household goods.
Circumstances often caused shifts: tribes were driven from their ancestral
wandering territories and had to seek the protection of their new
neighbors, thus becoming vassals. Or in some cases they were able to subdue
them through their position of power and then the first landowners
became their vassals. Blood descent was always considered very important:
even vassals who were of high descent continued to be respected because
of that quality.
3. The slaves, iklan (enkv.: akli), were acquired through war and raids or
came from subjugated groups, usually Negro groups in the Sudan. They
were either purchased from Arab caravans or at slave markets that took
place in Sudanese cities. There were 'dune slaves' or cattle herders; and 'tent
slaves', who served their master(s) and his (or her) family in the camp.
Some were liberated even before the beginning of French colonization;
in the south they were all liberated after the Tuares revolt of 1916-17.
Some groups of these Ighawels in Aïr (also known by their Hausa name
Buzu, or their Songhay name Bella) are nomadic pastoralists. Among the
Iwellemmeden, in addition to the Ighawelen, there are also the Iklan n Egef,
who are also herders, and the Iderfan who are sedentary farmers. In
Ahaggar the freed slaves are the so-called Izeggaghen (senkv. Azeggagh) or,
as they are called by Arabophones, Harratin (senkv. Hartani), farmers.
This name also includes the descendants of the black sedentary farmers
who emigrated from Tidikelt and Touat in the mid-19th century and
who came to create and cultivate the mountain gardens in the Ahaggar on
behalf of the Tuareg.
4. The craftsmen caste, eneden [ineden or inadan]) is very important and
consists of blacksmiths. 'They are the blacksmiths that are found in all Tuareg
groups. They form a very important caste as the Tuaregartisanate is very
little developed. The Tuareg get their weapons and many other supplies from
the blacksmith, who also makes silver jewelry for the Tuareg women. Without
the blacksmiths, the material culture of the Tuareg would be poor. The
other castes of blacks are also very dependent on the blacksmiths who make
footwear, sickles and the like. In the two groups of the northern Tuareg
there are very few blacksmiths – only a few families living in agricultural
settlements. Among the southern Tuareg, blacksmiths are very numerous and
many of them lead a pastoral life like the real Tuareg. The origin of the
blacksmith caste is unknown.'¹º Several authors mention traditions that allow the
hypothesis to be linked to Jews, including the numerous Jewish gold and
silversmiths in the Maghreb; but it is a unproven hypothesis.
5. A fifth social class was formed by the Muslim clergy, inislims (photos
42, 69). Especially in Aïr there were marabou tribes who were only
concerned with religious practices and animal husbandry and who carried
no weapons. Several tribes declare themselves to be of Arab origin. The Kel
Adagh and thThe status of the various estates could differ greatly depending on the region.
As for the vassals, for example: among the Kel Adagh and the Iwellemmeds
there were tribes that were made into vassals who were relatively
rich and powerful, were respected and paid only a small tribute in the form of
gifts." In the region of Tombouctou the vassals were ( daga) very poor and
were constantly extorted by the nobles." As for the marabou tribes, in Air
they were rich and honored; among the Kel Adagh and the Iwellemmeden
they wereRazzia's
Among the Tuareg, raiding was an institution that was widespread and
practiced. She responded to precise and well-defined rules and a code
of honor had to be adhered to. A raid was organized by a group of
men, put together for the occasion, in principle on a voluntary basis,
i.e. by all who wanted to participate and there were many. The desire
for new property and heroic deeds were the motives; they were
encouraged to do so by the women. The participants had to take care of their
weapons and their mounts; if necessary they borrowed one and part
of the loot then went to the owner of the riding camel. Sufficient
food and water was taken and left in certain places to get along
faster, but also in view of a possible escape. The camp that was the target
could belong to foreigners or to another Tuareg tribe. The trip
went at a very fast pace, to ensure surprise. In a successful attack, food
reserves, some of the women's clothes and their jewelry were taken; one
team of the attackers was charged with getting the cattle to safety as
quickly as possible. Fighting only took place when the attacked offered
resistance; but not infrequently the men fled. When it came to
Tuareg, the attacking nobles did not touch the women. During raids on
foreign groups – on blacks in the south, for example – men and women
were also kidnapped. Some were kept as personal property and
became tent slaves; others were sold in markets in the north. The attacked could organize a counter-raids, or try to chase the
attackers and cut off their path. When the roundup was 'unlawful' -
i.e.
directed against a group with which there was no disagreement
- a delegation from the rounded up group was often sent to negotiate
restitution. On the other hand, raids were often the beginning of
long-lasting enmity. poor.e Iwellemmeden were very small groups.

The Tuareg have been Islamized. This is manifested, among other things,
by the presence of specific tribes of Muslim priests, the ineslimen.
Several authors have argued that the Tuareg Muslim faith is generally
superficial and relatively recent.3
Some authors attribute a distant Christian past to the Tuareg34, which
is still evident from the use of the cross as a decorative motif. Others
have pointed out the superficial acceptance of the Christian faith
characterized by its rapid spread in late Roman North Africa; and it is
known that the nomadic tribes of that time remained pagan. Here one can
again point out that we do not know whether the distant ancestors of the
current Tuareg were nomads at that time. As for the sign of the cross,
it is a magical practice that consists of placing two pieces of wood
crosswise over each other; this then forms a symbolic shield against evil
influences. 35
As far as Judaism is concerned, it is known that Jews were installed very
early in North Africa, including in Cyrenaica, and that local tribes converted.
By the time of Emperor Justinian they had become so influential that
they were expelled by the Romans. Some settled in the Sahara, including in
Touat. Here they were chased away in 1492 by a Musulman marabou. Some
moved to Oualata. From this the enaden caste is said to have arisen; the six-
pointed star - the 'Star of David' - which appears in wickerwork and on
jewelry, is said to be a remnant of it.36
Among the Tuareg, the belief in spirits that inhabit the mountains, the
springs, the 'gueltas', some rocks or some trees as well as ancient graves
remains alive. Many and various amulets must be worn against this. Faith and religion (photos 69-73 - cat. 28-29)
The Tuareg have been Islamized. This is manifested, among other things,
by the presence of specific tribes of Muslim priests, the ineslimen.
Several authors have argued that the Tuareg Muslim faith is generally
superficial and relatively recent.3
Some authors attribute a distant Christian past to the Tuareg34, which
is still evident from the use of the cross as a decorative motif. Others
have pointed out the superficial acceptance of the Christian faith
characterized by its rapid spread in late Roman North Africa; and it is
known that the nomadic tribes of that time remained pagan. Here one can
again point out that we do not know whether the distant ancestors of the
current Tuareg were nomads at that time. As for the sign of the cross,
it is a magical practice that consists of placing two pieces of wood
crosswise over each other; this then forms a symbolic shield against evil
influences. 35
As far as Judaism is concerned, it is known that Jews were installed very
early in North Africa, including in Cyrenaica, and that local tribes converted.
By the time of Emperor Justinian they had become so influential that
they were expelled by the Romans. Some settled in the Sahara, including in
Touat. Here they were chased away in 1492 by a Musulman marabou. Some
moved to Oualata. From this the enaden caste is said to have arisen; the six-
pointed star - the 'Star of David' - which appears in wickerwork and on
jewelry, is said to be a remnant of it.36
Among the Tuareg, the belief in spirits that inhabit the mountains, the
springs, the 'gueltas', some rocks or some trees as well as ancient graves
remains alive. Many and various amulets must be worn against this.

[Jim McDougall]

Marc, THANK YOU! so very much!
This is absolutely brilliant and important material, and I cannot thank you enough for the work you have put into this and sharing it here. It gives us so much more perspective and understanding of the complexities within these tribal confederations, and most importantly, how the takouba would have been integral in these.

This thread is proving to be a wonderful extension of the amazing work Iain Norman put together a number of years ago and the many discussions that were shared on these pages. I am hoping members more will join in with examples that we might add to these studies, and compile them into a comprehensive resource here .

Meanwhile, there is hope that Iain's work might be published, as it is one of the most essential studies on the takouba to be compiled in recent years on the takouba. Also,the amazing and thorough work by Ed on the kaskara and Sudanese edged weapons has provided important extension to the study of the takouba and the important associations between these North African swords.

Peter, I'd like to thank you again for creating this thread, and perfectly illustrating how this forum and the tenacious students of arms here have advanced our knowledge on them, now continuing with return to this important topic.

[Marc M.]

Apparently something went wrong with the texts, another attempt with the correct text.
Jim thanks for your kind words, we all do our best to provide examples and information on the site.
Best regards
Marc

Weapons
For the Tuareg nobles, the main task of the enads was the manufacture and
repair of weapons: sword, iron lance, spear, dagger and shield. The weapons
sometimes differed depending on social status.
THE SWORD, takuba [tacouba] (cat. 148-153) Most blades are old weapons
imported from Europe or North Africa. Ch. de Foucauld testifies: 'All
[swords] are old. None were made in Ahaggar. They are almost all of European
origin; this is proven by the manufacturer's marks; most come from
Germany, Italy, Spain or France; some, with Christian marks, are said to
have come from Egypt; many are from the 16º century. The swords have
no external decoration. Their value is estimated according to the quality
of the blade. Every man in the Ahaggar owns a weapon... The Kel Ahaggar
classify the blades of the swords into different types, according to the quality
and color of the steel, the thickness of the blade, the number of grooves
26,
etc.
Swords were also forged in some tribes, including the Iwellemds, but
the Tuareg are the first to recognize that they are always of questionable
quality. However, the imported blades were always provided with handles
and sheaths according to Tuareg standards; the blades were repaired if
necessary. In more recent times, craftsmen in the Ahaggar now make their
own complete takubas with a blade forged from a blade of chariot
springs due to high demand. 27
'It is a straight, flat, double-edged sword of the old type with a cross-shaped
handle. It is 1 m long and 5 to 9 cm wide below the stitch and gradually ends
in a rounded point. The bail is rectangular and wide and the handle is short,
because the Tuareg have small hands. The knob is flattened and decorated. The
handle and the bail form a Latin cross. The type is always the same, although the
blades can be very different in quality and shape, ranging from the old Toledo

steel with the brand 'Carlos V' to the iron object called 'Masri'
blade, manufactured in the north. Some are elaborately decorated,
but the most valuable swords are plain with two or three fine
grooves in the middle; they are probably of European make. The
most common Masri lemmers bear as a mark two opposite 'man-
in-the-moon' crescents that look at each other;
another cheap version
shows a small reclining lion. The Tuareg consider their sword their
most valuable possession and many, like Ahodu, speak proudly of
a blade that has belonged to their family for generations. His sword
was believed to possess magical properties. Its owner lost it in
a battle at Assode, where he threw it into the air rather than allow it
to be seized by the enemy. It was recovered years later by a slave,
buried deep in the rocky bottom of a knoll near the battlefield.
The sword is carried on a cotton strap at the shoulder in a leather
sheath with two rings. The sides of the blade are very sharp. As a
weapon, these swords are very efficient. Ahodu was wounded in a raid
by a sword blow that knocked away his shield. The wound ran from his
left shoulder to his left knee and cut deep into his arm and side. Most
Europeans have died from the wound; but he recovered and had
to travel from the battlefield to Aïr for four days.' 28
It was used in hand-to-hand combat as a cutting weapon, together
with the shield to ward off blows from the opponent. But a blow with a
good quality sword could split a shield in half. It was a typical fighting
weapon of the nobleman; in recent times, some vassal groups,
such as the imrad of the Kel Ahaggar, had also acquired the right to bear
a sword. 29
The dagger, telek [strike]
THE LONG ARM DAGGER, azegiz (cat. 154-160) Telek or telak is a common
name for a dagger; it also includes the azegiz, a rare long-arm dagger from
the Ahaggar. In the Ahaggar the telak is always an arm dagger.3º It was worn
on the left forearm by means of the bracelet attached to the sheath.
'The arm dagger is the most typical of all Tuareg weapons. They appear
to be the only people who use it: it has a small, cross-shaped handle and
a long, narrow and flat blade. This weapon is worn along the forearm, with
the point pointed towards the elbow and the handle under the hand, ready
for use: the sheath is equipped with a leather ring that is slid over the wrist. The
stitch is held in the hand, knuckles upwards and two fingers on each side
of the long arm of the cross. In fact, it is a short stabbing weapon, the most
useful and formidable weapon of the people with the veil.'3"
The daggers used in the Ahaggar were made locally, more specifically
at Ghât, or at In-Salah. In Agadez old, worn-out swords were
forged.33 Already in Foucauld's time they were disappearing: 'They used
to be carried by most of the men in Ahaggar; they are increasingly
falling into disuse. The ageziz have always been rare. 34
'The knives with sheath of 15 cm long,
with openwork handle or with
copper handle with inlay and with sheath of red leather or of leather and
copper, are worn at the side.'35

THE IRON LANCE, allar. This weapon was completely
forged from iron: blade, shaft and heel. The latter has the shape of a
chisel or an axe.
'It is a slender and beautiful weapon that can be 1.82 m long. The
point is very narrow, not more than 2.5 cm: the lance is widest in the
center of the blade, which extends on either side of a distinct central
rib. Below the point there are one or more pairs of barbs in the
plane of the blade. The shaft is round, measures approximately 1.3 cm in
diameter and is inlaid with copper rings. There is a leather grip about
two-thirds of the way down the shaft; below this is an annular projection
and then the shaft widens to end in the form of a chisel-shaped heel
4-5 cm wide. These spears are used as a lance or as a throwing weapon.
They are graceful and balanced, but are not made on site. Where
they occur, Tuares influence is clear. It was a weapon of the
nobles. It may be considered essential for warfare.
The spear with iron blade and heel and with wooden shaft, tarda. It
was a weapon of vassals and apparently in more recent times, also of slaves. It
was the common hunting weapon of vassals.
The peak with a wide blade and a hook, ajamba. "The Imuhar also possessed
a weapon that is now untraceable, the ajamba, a short pike of two elbow lengths
with a broad leaf-shaped point with a receding hook. It has a wooden
shaft with copper decoration and an iron heel.**
THE BUD, taburi [taboûri, aburi] Usually a wooden club was the only weapon
that the slaves, iklan, were allowed to carry.
THE SHIELD, ahrer [arer] (cat. 163) The Tuareg had the shield as their
only defensive weapon. It was the prerogative of the nobles and could only be
worn by them. It was made from the skin of the Oryx antelope (the éhem antelope,
according to Father Ch. de Foucauld). The region of production was the
Sudan.
'To defend themselves they use large, more or less rectangular shields
measuring approximately 150 cm by 90 cm. It is made from dried skin from
which the fur has been removed. The best shields are made in Elakkos
and in some parts of Damergou with the skin of the oryx antelope. The edges
are made of thickened leather, but the shield is stiff and at the same time
remains quite flexible because it is made of only one layer of skin. The
corners are rounded and the sides slightly curved. The bottom is a few
cm wider than the top. A loop in the center of the top serves to hang the
shield from the camel saddle. In use, it is held with the left hand by the
handle, which is located at the back approximately one-third of the length
from the top. Although the shield protects the entire body due to its
dimensions, there are no arm loops, because it is too clumsy to move quickly
and deflect blows. The skin of the white oryx is very hard and is said to
repel all sword blows and most spear thrusts.
The shield is especially remarkable for its decoration. The most beautifully
finished shields have metal decorative buttons with circles of red fabric at
the edges. There is always a colorless cross-shaped motif, made from a series
of small incisions on a center line of the upper part. On all the examples I saw have, and it is probably true in most cases, the drawings are very similar
and certainly have a symbolic meaning, for the shield and cross
motif are said to be engraved on rocks. The motif appears to be derived
from a Latin cross, the lower and longest arm of which terminates
in a group of diagonal elements, usually three on each side, forming a
star-shaped pattern. In this form it resembles the Christian cross on top
of a radiant mass representing light and glory. Some examples, however,
have these radiant signs both at the top and bottom of the cross.'42
Magical properties were attributed to the abstract motif located in
the center axis of the upper half. 43
The shield shown here is characterized by the presence of pieces of
red cloth, green leather and white metal and brass rivets. The decoration
engraved in the skin, on the other hand, extends over the entire surface.
As early as 1959, Gast reported that the Tuareg no longer had shields and
that no more were being made. As a weapon it disappeared for two reasons:
because the oryx became increasingly rare and because of the spread of firearms,
which made the use of the three-piece ensemble - iron lance, arm dagger and
shield - outdated.
STONE BRACELET, ahbeg The stone bracelet was sometimes mentioned as a weapon; In
our opinion, the current form does not appear to be useful as a weapon. See: 'Jewelry and
padlocks.'
FIREARMS Firearms appear to have been in use even before the French colonization.

[Jim McDougall]

Thanks Marc! Mucho better!