The Sinhalese Kastane: Its Development, Decoration and Symbolism

[Ibrahiim al Balooshi]

Salaams All.. A note on Iron Production which though it may have been slowed and disrupted by Colonial interference through cheaper imports was by no means totally stopped..Knox writes ~

Quote " Their Manufactures are few: some Callicoes, not so fine as good strong Cloth for their own use: all manner of Iron Tools for Smiths, and Carpenters, and Husbandmen: all sorts of earthen ware to boil, stew, fry and fetch water in, Goldsmith’s work, Painter’s Work, carved work, making Steel, and good Guns, and the like.

But their Art in ordering the Iron-Stone and making Iron, may deserve to be a little insisted on. For the Countrey affords plenty of Iron, which they make of Stones, that are in several places of the Land; they lay not very deep in the ground, it may be, about four or five or six foot deep.

How they make Iron.First, They take these Stones, and lay them in an heap, and burn them with wood, which makes them more soft and fitter for the Furnace. When they have so done they have a kind of Furnace, made with a white sort of Clay, wherein they put a quantity of Charcoal, and then these Stones on them, and on the top more Charcoal. There is a back to the Furnace, like as there is to a Smith’s Forge, behind which the man stands that blows, the use of which back is to keep the heat of the fire from him. Behind the Furnace they have two logs of Wood placed fast in the ground, hollow at the top, like two pots. Upon the mouths of these two pieces of hollow wood they tie a piece of a Deers Skin, on each pot a piece, with a small hole as big as a man’s finger in each skin. In the middle of each skin a little beside the holes are two strings tied fast to as many sticks stuck in the ground, like a Spring, bending like a bow. This pulls the skin upwards. The man that blows stand with his feet, one on each pot, covering each hole with the soles of his feet. And as he treads on one pot, and presseth the skin down, he takes his foot off the other, which presently by the help of the Spring riseth; and the doing so alternately conveys a great quantity of wind thro the Pipes into the Furnace. For there are also two Pipes made of hollow reed let in to the sides of the Pots, that are to conduct the wind, like the nose of a Bellows, into the Furnace.

For the ease of the Blower, there is a strap, that is fastned to two posts, and comes round behind him, on which he leans his back: and he has a stick laid cross-ways before him, on which he lays both his hands, and so he blows with greater ease. As the Stones are thus burning, the dross that is in them melts and runs out at the bottom, where there is a slanting hole made for the purpose so big as the lump of Iron may pass thro: out of this hole, I say, runs out the dross like streams of fire, and the Iron remains behind. Which when it is purified, as they think, enough, so that there comes no more dross away, they drive this lump of Iron thro the same sloping hole. Then they give it a chop with an Ax half thro, and so sling it into the water. They so chop it, that it may be seen that it is good, Iron for the Satisfaction of those that are minded to buy". Unquote.

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

[Ibrahiim al Balooshi]

Salaams All, At last a description by Knox in his book which can be fully read on line at...

http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/14346

and in which he describes the nobility and what they wear..viz;

Quote"The Nobles in their best Apparel.The Habit of the men when they appear abroad is after this sort. The Nobles wear Doublets of white or blew Callico, and about their middle a cloth, a white one next their skin, and a blew one or of some other colour or painted, over the white: a blew or shash girt about their loyns, and a Knife with a carved handle wrought or inlaid with Silver sticking in their bosom; and a compleat short Hanger carved and inlaid with Brass and Silver by their sides, the Scabbard most part covered with Silver; bravely ingraven; a painted Cane and sometimes a Tuck in it in their hands, and a boy always bare-headed with long hair hanging down his back waiting upon him, ever holding a small bag in his hand, which is instead of a Pocket, wherein is Betel-leaves and nuts. Which they constantly keep chewing in their mouths, with Lime kept in a Silver Box rarely engraven, which commonly they hold in their hands, in shape like a Silver Watch". Unquote.

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

[fernando]

Tell me Prasana: Why do you call the Portuguese soldier a Captain ... do you know he had such rank, or you just used term in a abstract manner ?
I amalso curious in that, when i saved the images to 'work' on them, the name shown in them was "Pinhão" for the first one, "Pinhão-sword" for the second and "Pinhão-inscription" for the third. Just for curiosity, i browsed on Pinhão in Ceylon and i found a Captain Fernão Pinhão whom, under command of Captain-General Jorge de Albuquerque was in charge of the reinforcement works of the fortification of Galle, by 1623.
I notice that Rathnapura is not so far from Galle.
Most probably this is a coincidence ... interesting, nevertheless

.

[fernando]

So the Captain was indeed Pinhão; not Fernão but Simão.
And, as i have previously discerned, both words SURRENDER and INDIA are in the inscription .


Say Prasanna, did you know this paper ?


The inscribed mural stone at Maha Saman Devale, Ratnapura by Donald Ferguson (1899).

... Let into a niche in the basement of the raised quadrangle, a little to
the north of the flight of steps leading from the outer courtyard, is a
mural stone of some historic value, and of singular interest from the
strange and unexpected position in which it is found. On it, sculptured
in bold relief, are two figures about half the size of life. They
represent the closing event of a mortal combat between a Portuguese,
armed cap-a-pie, and a Sinhalese warrior. Conquered in the encounter,
the latter has been stricken down ; his sword and shield are cast
despairingly aside ; and his antagonist, trampling under foot his pros-
trate form, is now with one final blow about to deprive him of his life.
The inscription below, partly in Roman and partly in Sinhalese
characters, is so much effaced as to be only very partially readable ;.
some portions of the figures are also damaged, seemingly from the action
of the weather upon the stone. The whole is, however, most spiritedly-
executed, and enough of the inscription remains to show that the name
of the Portuguese soldier was Gomez. The Sinhalese say the prostrate
warrior was their champion, one Kuruwita Bandara, a dreaded enemy
of the Portuguese, whose soldiers he had repeatedly cut off, and that
some fifty had fallen by his hand ere he himself was slain. The
sculpture was no doubt executed in Europe by royal or vice-regal
command, and sent hither to do honour to the soldier whose valorous
deed it commemorated.
The above is the only reference to this stone that I have met
with in the many writers on Ceylon — Portuguese, Dutch, and
English — whose works I have searched for information
regarding it ; and yet it is undoubtedly some three centuries
old ; though how long it has heen in its present position,
and whether it was originally placed near the spot it now
occupies, are questions which may well arise in one's mind.
Mr. Skeen's description contains several errors. I think
it more probable that the sculpture was executed in Ceylon,
where there would be no lack of artists in the Portuguese
ranks competent for the work. There are no Sinhalese
characters in the inscription, which is entirely in Portuguese.
Moreover the name of the Portuguese warrior (who is
hardly " armed cap-a-pie") was not Gomez, though any one
ignorant of Portuguese might easily conclude so from
deciphering the first few letters-.
The inscription, so far as I have been able to decipher it,
is as follows (I expand the contractions, and separate the
combined letters): —

COM • EST A* • RENDl • ESTEf * HA ■ 23J ■ ANNOS • QVE ■
ANDO • NA • INDIA • E • HA ■ 15 J • QVE • SIRVO • DE • CA
PITAO • E • TAOQVE§ • OS • REIS ... DE ... E • ■ REI ■
DE • IAFANAPATAO • EV- SIMAO- PINHAO • VENCI

* Scil. espada. f Scil. homem, J Conjectural. § Or ao que 1

Transcript:

[Com esta rendi este, ha 23 (?) annos que ando na India, e ha 15 (?)
que sirvo de capitao ; e taoque (?) os reis...de... (?) e o rei de
Jafanapatao, eu Simao Pinhao o venci.]

Translation:

With this [sword] I overcame this [man], it being 23 (?) years that
I have been in India, and 15 (?) that I have served as captain ; and as
soon as (?) the kings and the king of Jafanapatao, I, Simao Pinhao, conquered him. "

[Prasanna Weerakkody]

Yes it is known that the Portuguese warrior was Pinhao. Thanks Fernando for putting much time in to this. I had not seen this particular paper but seen Similar ones. there are 3 interpretations circulating so I was interested in trying to get some independant confirmation. , some say it is Samarakoon rala/Kuruwita Bandara others say it was Rathnayaka mudiyanse and 3rd it was the king of Jaffna. each interpretation given by people with good standing, so only the text shall say for sure. The key is if the word Jaffnapato is really there that will rule out the other two.

There was a Portuguese fort for a time close to the Saman devale premises. this was possibly erected there and later moved to the devale after destruction of the fort. Sri Lanka is a small country so warriors were deployed all over the place.

Regards and thanks

Prasanna

[Ibrahiim al Balooshi]

Salaams All...

The Sendai Museum exhibits a potentially original early Kastane blade see http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=14998 where the weapon is discussed in depth...collected intact, by chance in the Philipines, by the Japanese diplomat and Samurai Hasekura Tsunenaga and this may be backed up by the stone carving with identical form below and expertly presented at post #112.

The Storta style of blade whilst intriguing, puzzling and stunning!! may have been introduced earlier, though, that is pure conjecture but in line with the hypothesis on European blade diffusion / the Moors /etc.

The interesting reverse theory that this shape of blade may in fact be of the early home grown form and occasionally favoured by warriors without the Vajra Quillons perhaps so that the index finger could be looped over the guard for added purchase power on the thick backblade? Perhaps quillons were optional?

(Though it is not without possibility that this was simply artistic stone carvers artistic impression the other details in the carving seem very accurate)

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

[fernando]

Hello again Prasanna

I am beginning to learn that the interpretation of this mural stone has been a largely divulgated enigma; which makes me feel a dwarf among so many specialists, versus whom i, a non schooled person, wouldn't dare to contradict.
But ...
Although the character of Simão Pinhão (Fernão's oncle) appears to be of no doubt, the Cingala warrior individual and his situation in the scene is still a mistery. So much because the text mentions more than one King and, the posture of the Portuguese Captain, i humbly insist, is that of imposing submission and not of execution.
An atemptive translation of the text reminds us that Pinhão is (only) defeating his adversary. While he says that "with this i render this", he doesn't say i am executing or executed this; if he had in fact killed the warrior, why wouldn't he prefer the stone sculpted with such final image ?
An exponential example of this is one provided by a source that pretends that Pinhão is rescuing from death the successor of the King of Jaffna ... whatever this statement is worth :
(QUOTING) In 1591 the king of Jafnna was unwise enough to attack Mannar, and in consequence lost his life and throne at the hands of the Portuguese under Andre Furtado. His successor, whose rescue from death by Simao Pinhao is depicted on the mural tablet at the Saman Dewale near Ratnapura, was the creature of Portugal, and from 1593 there were only two powers in the island, the Kandyans under Vimala Dharma Surya and the Portuguese notninally fighting for Dharmapala;. the latter, as we have seen, had taken Sitawaka and recovered most of the old dominions of Kotte with such ease that in.. 1594 they proposed to annex the highland kingdom and place on the throne Dona Catharina, the daughter, of the king expelled by Rajasinha. Pedro Lopes De Sousa, the first `Captain General of the Conquest,' succeeded in entering Kandy, and enthroned the princess. But he alienated the people by surrounding the young queen with Portuguese. Further, Manamperi was suspected of treason and slain; his levies thereupon deserted, and the expedition ended in disaster in the neighbourhood of Gannoruwa. The general was killed and Dona Catharina fell into the hands of Vimala Dharma Surya, who perfected his title by marrying the heiress of Kandy. The `Apostate of Candea' treated the captive Portuguese with great cruelty, mutilating fifty of them and sending these to Colombo `with one eye for each five (END QUOTING).
The other "confusion" is that Pinhão mentions various Kings in the text. Although the deciphering does not reveal the name of them all, we clearly read OS REIS DE meaning the plural for Kings (*) ... this before mentioning the last King, such one considered to be the one subjugated in the scene.
(*) Could one be the King of Uva ?
Another touch up in the translation would be that he mentions that he has "defeated" or "beaten" (the King or Kings) ... perhaps better terms than "conquered".
Concerning the inclusion of the name of Jaffanapatão (Jaffnapatan), even with the help of the decipherings already published i am not qualified to assure the word is there ... although it looks plausible, certainly more plausible than the other possibilities suggested. Besides the erosion of the stone, translations of (early) texts are (also) contextual, hence worthy of a specialist. I have read that Donald Ferguson is intimate with the portuguese language.
One possibility i haven't yet heard of, which being a remote one is not necessarily implausible, is that the scene depicted may only be a virtual (symbolic) one, commissioned by a presumptuous Pinhão, based on his feats. Symbolism also exists; somehow like the multiple attribution of the Cingalese warrior in the scene.
But coming back to the topic of the thread, which is the Kasthane, the sword in the hands of the Cingala (Kandyan) warrior looks more like a calachurro


-

[David]

Originally Posted by fernando

But coming back to the topic of the thread, which is the Kasthane, the sword in the hands of the Cingala (Kandyan) warrior looks more like a calachurro

Wouldn't it be a bit long for a calachurro. I believe you recently cited a source from 1685 that put the length of those knives at 2 1/2 palms long.

[fernando]

Originally Posted by David

Wouldn't it be a bit long for a calachurro. I believe you recently cited a source from 1685 that put the length of those knives at 2 1/2 palms long.

C'mon David
Let me put up some fantasy. Artists had their freedom ... more often towards exagerating than minimizing things. Just trying to justify myself .
... And i thought the palm measure was secret data .
Speaking seriously, my approach was more to the sword not being a Kasthane ... as we are presently given to know its design